D.
A. Rustow, "U.S.-Saudi Relations and the Oil Crises of the 1980s," Foreign
Affairs, April 1977
Overview
Rustow sees
America’s considerable dependence on imported oil as a dilemma rooted in a lack
of aggression in energy development and conservationist policies. He argues
that American-Saudi relations in the next decade (1977-1987) will be the result
of how the aggregate supply and demand for oil intersect in the upcoming years.
The quickness of this approaching equilibrium will be determined more by the agenda
of the Saudi government rather than growing American consumer demand, which
therein lies weakness.
Summary
Predicting energy usage cannot be done with
any sort of precision. Before 1973, world energy consumption was moving at
about the same rate as aggregate GDP. With those two factors put together as a
ratio, or “energy coefficient,” experts predict it will fall slightly in the
upcoming future, more so if conservationist policies are developed with
success. However, there are a few cautions:
1.) reduced energy consumption in the US has not meant
less dependence on OPEC imports
-domestic production (oil, natural gas, coal, nuclear) has grown very
little if not declined
2.) very small shifts in economic growth or energy
consumption rates translate into exponential change as time passes (growth rate
of 5%, energy coefficient of 1.0, means increased consumption by 63% in a
decade)
3.) the illusions of the North Sea and Alaska; do have
oil, but not enough to meet the increasing American demand
Forecasting energy production can become just
as arduous. Many estimates come in concerning how much oil OPEC-importing
countries need. This is a gross misunderstanding. “Rather, it becomes
imperative to to examine what motives and considerations will determine the
amounts of oil that countries such as Libya, Kuwait, Venezuela, Iran, Iraq, and
above all Saudi Arabia will allow to be extracted from their subsoil and
offered to the world market of the 1980s.” It’s basically a flip-flop of the
common generalization. However, even though OPEC countries won the right to
unilaterally determine the price of oil, OPEC member countries have never set a
ceiling on overall production. However, all of the member countries minus Iraq
did cut production by as much as 26% when they used that as their “oil weapon”
against the US and others. There are five information sources that help to
forecast oil production from a correct perspective.
1.) past production
2.) legal limits on production
3.) installed capacity
4.) proven reserves
5.) additional oil resources
The criteria that influences OPEC governments
production relate to geology, politics, and economics. Some countries, for
example Iran, has tried to hurry exploration in order to put away maximum
reserves to aid more quickly in their development. Therefore, they have been
among the OPEC’s price hawks. Other countries like Saudi Arabia, who had excess
capacity of more than “2/3 of Iran’s total production and more than the total
production of any one of OPEC’s other 11 members,” have a solid foundation of
factors leading into total production. They are as follows:
1.) price moderation: have repeatedly opposed price
increases
2.) preventing a price break
3.) preventing excessive price rises
4.) Arab leadership: continually prude with multilateral
subsidies
5.) Pressure on the US: as long as the US is pushing for
Israel, the likelihood of the Saudi’s meeting our requests verbatim is slim to
none; this would only happen if they were offered unusual opportunities for
investing the surplus
Where will the
supply of OPEC countries and demand for OPEC oil meet? Just as the
aforementioned suggests, we don’t know. But if we do run into an oil shortage,
Saudi Arabia’s compliance would turn into a dilemma. They can either increase
production indefinitely while keeping prices in sync with inflation, leaving
them with reserves on hand they really don’t want. Or, they could “reintroduce
a production limit” that would leave production under the market forces.
Summary by Shawn Gaide