Alicia Hogue

Political Economy

Summary # 3:

 

“Oil, Money and Recession” by Denis Healey, Labour Member of Parliament and Britain’s Chancellor of the Exchequer from 1974-1979. Adapted from a series of three lectures delivered at the Council on Foreign Relations in October 1979.

{From Foreign Affairs 58 (2) Winter 79/80} 

 

 

Main Point: Healey examines the causes of the significant slowdown in economic growth following the “golden years from 1951 to 1973” and the role of both OECD and OPEC countries in the 1st and 2nd oil crises. He draws two important conclusions. 1) The only certain way for consumer countries to discourage producer countries from cutting output is through conservation and the development of alternative energy supplies. 2) In order to regain high levels of economic stability and economic growth, countries must strive toward convergence of domestic economic performances. (i.e. a narrowing of the gap between surplus and deficit countries and those where currencies are appreciating and depreciating.)

 

I.

The article begins by attributing the strong growth experienced between 1951 and

1973 to four main factors. The first is the broad acceptance of free trade, in practice as well as in principle, an assertion the author supports by citing the correlation between growth of GDP in individual countries and the growth of world trade. The second is the employment of Keynesian techniques of demand management. Thirdly, Healey points to the Bretton Woods agreement as having reduced economic uncertainty through fixed currency parities and as having kept inflation low by imposing financial discipline. The final factor is the availability of cheap energy, particularly cheap oil. He sees the subsequent reversal of all these factors as responsible for the impending economic slowdown, which he predicts will stretch into the foreseeable future. Of these reversals, the energy problem is the most pressing: “the Middle East began to exploit their new political independence of the West, just as the West’s dependence on their oil became absolute.” (p. 218) The rest of the article focuses on what can be learned from the impact of oil power over the last six years (1973-1979) and its ramifications for the world’s monetary arrangements.

 

 

II.

The inflation in the early 70’s was due to factors that had nothing to do with oil.  Several factors, including the breakdown of Bretton Woods, caused inflation to be high and rising by the middle of 1973, before the increase in oil prices had taken place. In fact, it was partially in response to inflation in the industrialized world that OPEC raised oil prices. The result was a huge drop in world demand, an equivalent rise in prices and an OPEC surplus of 65 million in the first year. There has been a great deal of debate over whether or not this could have been avoided had consumer countries financed their deficits through borrowing to recycle OPEC surplus, as advised by the IMF,  rather than removing their deficits through inflation. As it turned out, those few who did adhere to this recommendation, including Britain, Italy and the U.S., faced high deficits on current account, leading to the depreciation of their currencies and still higher inflation. Countries which  ignored the IMF’s advice and took the latter measure were, by 1978, running a surplus much greater than the OPEC countries, and it was their behavior that continued to deflate world demand. Recognizing the need to remedy the divergent economic performances, Germany and Japan increased domestic demand, while their counterparts moved into balance on current account. The U.S. continued to lag behind, due in large part to Congress’s failure to legislate Carter’s energy program.

Several unforseen occurrences resulted from the first oil crises. The private banking system, particularly the Euromarkets, played a much larger role in recycling the OPEC surplus than expected. The speed at which rising import demand diminished OPEC surpluses was also greater than anticipated. Non-oil developing countries proved surprisingly resilient to the oil shock, partly because they were less dependent on oil than OECD countries, partly because they  benefited from the availability of OPEC capital, which allowed them to borrow from private banks without the restrictive measures which the IMF would have imposed. In addition the crisis made clear the inability of market forces to break an oil cartel, and led to big changes in economic behavior throughout the industrial world.

III.

There are important differences between the first and second oil shocks. First of all, the impact of OPEC surplus on demand was smaller the second time around because the immediate percentage reduction in world demand was less. On the other hand, government concern about inflation led to competitive exchange rate appreciations through higher interest rates, despite the subsequent hike in unemployment and reduction in economic activity. It was still unclear when this article was written whether this reaction would produce a greater or lesser shock to business than the first oil price increase. It was already clear, however, that the government’s indifference to policy effects on unemployment would make trade unions less likely to accept lower real wages.

Thirdly, while the difference in balance-of payments performance among major oil consuming countries was much smaller, the divergence of inflation and savings rates was much more dramatic. These differences made foreign exchange more turbulent because of the varying impact of oil price increases between countries. Such uncertainty created a flight away from money to gold and commodities, creating a speculative environment similar to that of the late 20’s. Another problematic difference was the diminished absorptive capacity of the OPEC countries. Further more, it was harder for non-oil developing countries to finance their deficits because lending systems were strained from the last oil shock, and because of tight money policies like Mr. Volcker’s. Reduced export markets as a result of protectionist measures by industrialized countries compounded the problem for developing countries. Lastly, OPEC countries had become more sophisticated since the last oil shock, both in their use of oil prices as a political tool and in their investment of surplus profits. The only way consumer countries can discourage the manipulation of this tool in the future is through conservation and the development of alternative energy sources. Faced with a future fall in prices, OPEC will no longer be motivated to restrict output in the present.

IV.

Sudden changes in the supply or price of oil can inflict worldwide damage on political, social and economic stability, including in OPEC countries. Mutually beneficial arrangements establishing relative certainty can be found. Consumer nations could, for example, accept  price increases indexed to inflation in exchange for guaranteed output by producers. The problem is getting governments to accept and act on such arrangements. Despite this difficulty, some level of cooperation between consumers and producers is necessary to prevent further deterioration of the situation.

 

V.

Healey predicts that the ‘80’s will be a particularly volatile decade unless some international action is taken to control the oil situation. When exchange rates are floating they are most affected by balance of payments on current account, prospective as well as present; recurrent shortages of oil and continued increases in price are likely to cause major divergences in balance of payment performances. Speculation on futures, as mentioned in section three, has contributed to currency turbulence and, in addition, had striking affects on the distribution of wealth. The author calls for some financial regulation, but warns that too much could dry up the supply of loans available to finance 3rd World deficit. Given that the risk of default could bring the whole international banking system down, he calls on the IMF to make further funds available. Countries have failed to confront  international finance problems, despite their gravity, because of their belief in the ability of market forces to right the situation. There is, however, no such thing as free trade in currencies; at best there exists a system of dirty floats. Therefore, the “choice is not between a free market in currencies and international regulation, but between uncoordinated national or regional controls, which may tend to increase turbulence, and some coordinated international control to reduce turbulence.” If industrial countries fail to produce the latter, OPEC will continue to protect itself through manipulation of oil.

VI.

Healey concludes that it would not only be unproductive, but impossible for every county to run a surplus on current account and make its currency strong is. Instead they should focus on the more practical goal of convergence of economic performances. In addition, he admonishes countries to avoid a fatalistic view of the international monetary system, in favor of the pursuit innovative strategies that address the situation and that can revitalize the international monetary system in the long run.